When in 1950 T H Marshall wrote that the ‘latest

When in 1950 T H Marshall wrote that the ‘latest stage of an development of citizenship which has been in uninterrupted advancement for some 250 years’ was the ‘modern thrust towards equality’ , he anticipated a transmutation of the rights duties of citizens in west European provinces throughout the post-war period. The challenge so, for Marshall and for political leaders and militants, was how could the broad construct of citizenship incorporate the public assistance province? A small over 50 old ages subsequently there is potentially, already, another transmutation underway. This is the transmutation from national citizenship to international or, more locally, European citizenship. Whilst issues refering the calculation of the demand for societal equality are still arguably prevailing, the thought of European citizenship is confronted by a different set of challenges and obstructions. Wheras the inquiry for Marshall was about the bounds of equality, the inquiry, certainly, for those trying to set up European citizenship is what are bounds of a common multinational individuality?

The undermentioned treatment of the likeliness of European citizenship replacing national citizenship will be undertaken in three parts. First, I shall see the challenge to national citizenship presented by European integrating. Second, I shall sketch an influential history of how European citizenship could replace national citizenship. And thirdly I shall discourse the chances for this influential vision of a possible hereafter.

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The challenge to national citizenship

The two most of import readings of citizenship derive from the broad and civic republican traditions ( Heater, 1999: 4 ) . Within the broad tradition citizenship is chiefly a position. A individual that is, is given the position of citizenship which entitles him/her to certain rights and, for some progressives, entails duties that must needfully back up these rights. Citizenship form the broad position so is grounded in the impression of the liberty of the person whose right to autonomy is protected by the province. Furthermore, citizenship is merely one individuality amongst others. In the modern period this broad construct of citizenship has been prevailing ( Heater, 1999: 4 ) By contrast the republican tradition emphasizes engagement and collectivity instead than liberty. Citizenship is non so much a position that is given but an activity that is both enabled and enacted. Harmonizing to Kymlica and Norma the ‘feature that distinguishes republicans. . . Is their accent on the intrinsic nature of political engagement for the participants themselves.’ ( Kymlica and Norma 1994: 362 ) . However, despite their differences these two traditions both conceived of citizenship within the confines of the nation-state. Their attacks to citizenship developed alongside and were applied to the development of the European nation-state system. The cardinal event in the development of this system was the Gallic Revolution, which, significantly via the Declaration of the Rights of Man stated ‘The rule of all sovereignty rests basically in the nation’ ( Heater, 1999: 97 ) . From so on, even it did non follow all of the rules of the Gallic revolutionists, modern citizenship was inextricably bound up with nationality. That is, both the democracy and broad traditions used the thought of the state to warrant their peculiar versions of citizenship. Some argued that the homogeneousness of the state was a necessary requirement for the constitution of a feasible, cosmopolitan citizenship.

This purportedly necessary bond between citizenship and the state has been earnestly challenged in recent old ages. In Europe the economic, political and societal integrating amongst the member provinces of the European Union has raised the issue of whether or non the. Since its establishing the European Union has developed from: ( 1 ) a chiefly economic brotherhood of nation-states to creat a more unfastened market ; ( 2 ) to some degree of political integrating necessary to modulate this market and hence some step of answerability for the citizens of these member provinces against these ordinances ; ( 3 ) and more late some step of societal integrating, chiefly to set up a degree of conformance and coherence within the European market. ( Delanty, 2000: 110 ) . Even before we consider any of the formal entitlements of European citizenship these developments have challenged the construct of national citizenship in legion ways. These challenges are possibly best stated in the signifier of some cardinal inquiries. How can we believably speak of national citizenship in Europe when so much of the authorization of the nation-state, whose function is to supply and protect citizenship, has been eroded? Can the broad and republic constructs of citizenship be adjusted to suit European citizenship or are these theories inextricably bound up with nationality? More exactly, could either of these theories be employed to warrant and advance the demand for European citizenship without resort to the thought of nationhood?

These inquiries need nevertheless to be supplemented by a more specific apprehension of the existent emerging conditions of European citizenship. For there is besides an on-going argument about the really bing degree of integrating presently runing. There are those for illustration that warn of the dangers of European integrating – who argue that the European Union is heading inexorably towards a supranational province, within which European citizenship will be an inevitable if non desirable constituent. And there are others still who argue that the nation-state is still the principle constituent of the European brotherhood in footings of decision-making and the pattern of citizenship.

To a certain degree European citizenship already exists. In 1993 the Maastricht Treaty set out the legal position of the European Citizen. There are five citizenship rights: ( 1 ) Freedom of motion and abode, ( 2 ) external diplomatic protection ( 3 ) the right to petition parliament and obudsmun, ( 4 ) the right to vote in member provinces, ( 5 ) the right to vote and stand for election to the European Parliament ( cited in Heath, 1999: 128 ) . However, is this non merely a wide legal agreement? As Heath points out there is plentifulness of grounds to propose that it is ( Heath, 1999: 1329-130 ) Some outstanding grounds includes the low-turn out at European elections, the go oning and blatant look of xenophobia non merely in Britain but throughout Europe and the union’s ineffectualness at implementing the rule of subordinate ( the rule that determinations should be taken at the most local degree possible ) . Clearly some greater sense of corporate individuality is needed that we are citizens of Europe foremost and citizens of a nation-state second. But sing the obstructions that Heath points out above this is still its seems a long manner off. Furthermore, if we conceive of individuality as a something that is constructed constantly in relation to an other ( Isin and Wood, 1999: 19 ) so the option might be between a fortress Europe or slackly cooperating provinces.

How might European Citizenship be realised

Harmonizing to Jurgen Habermas, the possibility of a European citizenship is non the possibility of ‘collective political action across national boundaries but the consciousness “of an duty toward the European common good”’ ( Habermas, 1990: 502 ) This consciousness would be an expanded version of the consciousness of an duty toward the common good that has therefore far grounded national citizenship. However, within nation-states this consciousness has been framed in chauvinistic footings, which are of class non appropriate for a European citizenship. What is needed so harmonizing to Habermas is a sort of constitutional nationalism ( Habermas, 1990: 499-500 ) . This would intend a societal sense of pride in and support for the principals of a fundamental law instead than national individuality that ’heightens consciousness of both the diverseness and the unity of the different signifiers of life coexisting in a multicultural society’ ( Habermas, 1990: 500 ) . Thus Habermas combines both the broad and republican traditions in order to happen a manner through the challenge of European citizenship.

But how would constitutional nationalism be fostered? For Habermas the conditions for its realization are already emerging. There is of class the consciousness of the spread between the developing powers of the Union’s political establishments every bit good as an consciousness of the demand for cooperation on a figure of issues. However, the key for Habermas is the outgrowth and farther development of a European populace sphere. Harmonizing to Habermas, it is merely through a European populace sphere that constitutional nationalism and therefore European citizenship would be possible. ’Only if such an interplay were to happen between institutionalised sentiment – and will-formation and informal public communications could citizenship intend more today than the collection of prepolitical single involvements and the inactive enjoyments of rights bestowed by a paternalistic authorization ( Habermas, 1990: 506 ) . For a European populace sphere would raise consciousness about the demand for cooperation and greater political catholicity within the brotherhood every bit good as topographic point force per unit area through the formation of public sentiment on the institutional constructions that en-frame European citizenship. ( Habermas, 1990: 506 ) To a certain grade we are already witnessing the outgrowth of a European populace sphere. There are now European broad newspapers, rational exchange between European universities is much more incorporate and really frequently the same intelligence events are witnessed and discussed at the same time and entirely within what might name a European populace about affairs refering to Europe. However, even Habermas admits that its development is limited in pattern ( Habermas, 1990: 507 ) , that it is still more accurate to talk of national public domains runing locally in linguistically bound contexts.

The chances for European Citizenship

Habermas does theorize on the likeliness of European citizenship replacing national citizenship but the grounds he provides is instead thin, surely in empirical footings. He speaks of chiefly of the historical likeliness and the conceptual demands of European citizenship instead than supplying concrete empirical grounds. Possibly this is because empirical grounds is inescapably thin as individuality can non easy be measured in measures footings. Research that asks whether people feel more European than British or Gallic is merely of limited utility because what counts is whether they besides feel that the determinations that affect their lives are made at the national degree, whether they have the power to act upon determinations at the European degree and whether they are prepared to move on this. So long as the first inquiry is answered with negative answers to the latter inquiries, the thought of a European Citizenship still lags behind national citizenship.

On the other the theoretical grounds Habermas provides, it might be argued is idealistic. Habermas extrapolates his statements from certain philosophical presuppositions that have been really badly challenged in recent old ages. He argues that every address act contains the possibility of commensurate apprehension. Therefore, to set it crudely possibly, consensus on political rules that is non based upon bias and jingoism is rationally possible. So long that is as we have an uncontaminated infinite for free public treatment and deliberation, I.e a European populace sphere. This sort of positivist universalism has been to a great extent and persistently criticised for several decennaries now by postmodern minds who argue that it is a-historical and erroneously based upon a ineffectual pursuit to get away from clip and opportunity. This unfavorable judgment has besides been levelled at those theoreticians who can be described as Cosmopolitan.


In decision so we are left with an as yet unresolved debatable. On the one manus processes of European integrating and globalization along with the of all time present dangers of the effects of patriotism appear to demand a European citizenship. On the other manus nevertheless, this still seems improbable in the close hereafter in anything more significant than a wide legalistic sense. The continued fond regard to national idenity and national political constructions amongst citizens of European provinces has merely, it would look, been reasonably offset by a common European political, allow entirely socio-cultural individuality which would be needed to beef up European citizenship. The inquiry of whether this would be desirable is a related but separate affair.


Delanty, GerardCitizenship in a planetary age: society, civilization, political relations, Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000.

Habermas, Jurgen,Between Facts and Norms, Trans William Rehgn, Oxford: Polity Press, 1997.

Heater, DerekWhat is Citizenship, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999.

Kymlica, W and Norma, ‘Return of the citizen: a study of recent work on citizenship theory’ inEthical motives,104, Jan 1994.

Isin, E F, and Wood, P KCitizenship and Identity, London: Sage, 1999.

Marshall, T H and Bottomore,Tom Citizenship and SocialClass Pluto Press, 1992.

Neorealism developed as a response to some of<< >>Town and Country Planning Act 1990 section 288

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